The Songstress Queen of King Dao of ZhaoThis story gives a nice sample of both court politics in the Warring States and pretty traditional views about the dangers of marrying beautiful women. It also reflects one of the reasons the book was complied, since Liu Xiang seems to have been worried that too many Han emperors were marrying low-born women who did not understand proper family behaviour. These women needed to be either avoided or educated, and this book could help with either. We also get a sample of one of the verse summaries that one can memorize to keep the lessons of the story in mind. Much different is this story, from the section on Accomplished Rhetoricians
The Songstress Queen was a singer from Handan and the queen of King Daoxiang of Zhao. At an earlier time, she had brought disorder to an entire clan. When she became widowed, King Daoxiang was struck by her beauty and married her. Li Mu remonstrated with him, saying, "This won't do. A woman's impropriety is the means by which state and family are turned upside down and made unstable. This woman has brought disorder to her clan. Shouldn't Your Majesty be alarmed ?"- The king said, "Whether there is disorder or not depends on how I govern." He then proceeded to marry her.
Earlier, King Daoxiang's queen had given birth to a son named Jia who became heir apparent. After the Songstress Queen entered the court at the rank of consort, she gave birth to a son named Qian. The Songstress Queen then became a great favorite of the king and secretly slandered the queen and the heir apparent to the king. She [also] arranged for someone to offend the heir apparent and thus provoke him into committing a crime. The king thereupon dismissed Jia and set up Qian [in his place], and deposed the queen and established the songstress as queen. When King Daoxiang died, Qian was enthroned as King Youmin.
The Songstress Queen was dissolute and immoral. She developed an illicit connection with the Lord of Chunping and frequently received bribes from Qin. She made the king execute his great general, the Lord of Wuan, Li Mu. Afterward, when Qin troops marched in, no one could stop them. Qian was then taken prisoner by Qin, and Zhao was destroyed. The grandees, resentful that th eSongstress Queen had slandered the heir apparent and killed Li Mu had her killed and exterminated her family. Together they enthroned Jia at Dai. After seven years they could not defeat Qin. Zhao was then annihilated and became a commandery [of Qin].
The Odes says, "If a man have not dignity of demeanor /What should he do but die. These words apply well to her.
The Verse Summary says,
The Songstress Queen of King Daoxiang of Zhao
Was insatiably covetous.
She destroyed the true queen and heir,
Working her deceit with guile.
She was debauched with Lord Chunping,
And ruthlessly pursued what she desired.
She received bribes, ravaged Zhao,
And died in the kingdom she destroyed
The Wife of the Bow Maker of JinSo we have another commoner woman, but this one is an expert on bows, archery, rare materials and persuading rulers. She also has the courage to tell the Duke he is lousy at one of the Six Arts (Archery) and is eloquent enough to both get away with it and improve him. Even men could take her as an example! As a result this is a really useful book to use when teaching about Chinese women. Students come in with a lot of ideas about women in traditional China being powerless and oppressed. That's not wrong, but getting them to go beyond that is often pretty hard. These stories mostly deal with female agency, but always in a family or dynastic context, so we are getting neither Passive Lady Plum Blossom nor Disney's Mulan. It is also a good book for Early China. It's always had to find something to do for the early part of a China class, given that a lot of the secondary stuff is pretty technical and the translated primary sources tend to be philosophical texts that are hard for undergrads to deal with. This seems just about perfect. Of course, even if you are not going to teach with it, you could still read it. Its a good book.
The bow maker's wife was the daughter of an armor craftsman of Jin. In the time of Duke Ping, the duke ordered her husband to make a bow. After three years it was finished. When the duke drew the bow and shot, the arrow did not pierce even one layer of armor. The duke was angry and was about to execute the bow maker.
The bow maker's wife thereupon begged for an audience, saying, "I am the daughter of an armor craftsman and the wife of the bow maker. I would like to be granted an audience." When Duke Ping met with her she said, "Have you heard of Gong Liu's conduct in former times ? Whenever the sheep and oxen trampled their rushes and reeds, he felt great pity for the common people, and his concern even extended to plants and trees. Would he have countenanced the killing of an innocent person? Duke Mu of Qin encountered bandits who ate the meat of his fine steed, but he gave them wine to drink. When an officer of King Zhuang of Chu tugged at his consort's robe, she tore off his hat tassel. But the king later drank with him quite happily. As for these three rulers, their benevolence became known to the entire world. Eventually each one was requited [for their kindness], and their names have been passed down to present times.
"Formerly, Yao did not trim the thatch of his roof or carve its mottled beams. He had earthen steps of only three levels.Even so, he felt that his workmen had toiled hard and that he was living in great comfort. Now, when my husband made this bow, his efforts were also laborious. The bow's shaft came from wood grown on the slopes of Mount Tai, and each day he would examine it three times in both the sunlight and the shade. It is decorated with the horn of oxen from Yan, bound with the tendons of deer from Jing, and glued together with adhesive derived from Yellow River fish. Since these four things are among the most select and extraordinary materials in the world, your inability to pierce even one layer of armor must be due to your inability to shoot. Yet you want to kill my husband. Isn't this mistaken?
"I have heard that in the Way of Archery, one's left hand should be held as firm as a rock, while the right hand should be held like a diagonal support beam. When the right hand releases the arrow, the left hand should not be aware of it. This is the Way of Archery."
When Duke Ping did what she said and shot, the arrow pierced seven layers of armor. The woman's husband was immediately set free and given three yi in cash. A man of discernment would say, "The bow maker's wife was able to offer assistance in difficulty." The Odes says, "The ornamented bows are strong;' and "They discharge the arrows and all hit."This phrase describes the methods of archery.
The Verse Summary says,
Duke Ping Jin commissioned a bow,
Which took three years to complete.
But he became angry with the bow maker
And was on the verge of punishing him.
The wife went and spoke tothe duke,
And explained what materials were used in the bow.
She set forth the labor and difficulty involved,
And the duke thereupon released him.
Mozi asked a Confucian, Discount Vermox, saying ‘What is the reason for music (樂)?’ The reply was: “Music is performed for the sake of joy (樂)” ((same word!)) Mozi said: ‘You have not answered me. Suppose I asked: Why build houses. And you answered: It is to keep off cold in winter, and the heat in summer, Vermox canada, mexico, india, and to separate men from women. They you would have told me the reason for building houses, Buy Vermox Without Prescription. Now I am asking: Why perform music. Order Vermox from United States pharmacy, And you answer: Music is performed for music’s sake. This is like saying : Why build houses. And answering Houses are built for houses’ sake.” Mozi 43
Thus, the tones of an orderly age are peaceful and joyous because its policies are stable. The tones of a chaotic age are resentful and angry because its policies are perverse. Vermox pharmacy, The tones of a doomed state are sad and mournful because its policies are dangerous. It is a general principle that music is influenced by government and affected by customs. When customs are fixed, music adjusts itself to them, Vermox treatment. Thus, in an age that possesses the Dao one has only to observe its music to know its customs, to observe its customs to know its government, and observe its government to know its ruler, Buy Vermox Without Prescription. The First Kings were, therefore, Order Vermox no prescription, certain to rely on music as a means of professing their teachings. LSCQ 5/4.4B
When Yu ascended the throne he toiled and laboured on behalf of the world. He rested neither day nor night, opening up the great streams, Vermox brand name, cutting through obstructions and blockages, where to buy Vermox, boring out the Dragon Gate, is Vermox safe, and circulating the flowing waters by guiding them to the Yellow River. He dredged the Three Rivers and the Five Lakes and made their waters flow to the Eastern Sea, to benefit the black-headed people, buy Vermox without a prescription. At this, Yu commanded Gaoyao to compose all nine movements of the "Xia Flute" in order to celebrate his achievement, Buy Vermox Without Prescription. LSCQ 5/5.10
In the past, at the inception of the Yinkang clan, Vermox from canadian pharmacy, the Yin had coagulated in great amounts and accumulated excessively. The watercourses were blocked and obstructed, and water could not flow out from springs. The ethers Buy Vermox Without Prescription, of the people became thick and clogged up, and their muscles and bones tight and constricted. They therefore invented a dance with which to spread and guide the Yin .LSCQ 5/ 5.4
In the past, Vermox natural, when the ancient Zhuxiang clan ruled the world, there was an excess of wind that caused the Yang ether to gather and accumulate, Doses Vermox work, the myriad things to disperse and scatter, and the fruits and nuts not to ripen. Knight Da therefore invented a five-string zither with which to attract the Yin ether and arrange the survival of the various living things. LSCQ 5/ 5.2
These two are a lot more magical. Music actually changes the world. In the first one we can see it changing people, which makes a bit of sense, Buy Vermox Without Prescription. Then in the second one it changes the universe. There are actually a bunch of passages in here about how inventing new instruments gave humans new ways to control the world. This is not our idea of music at all (unless you are a follower of the Church of Les Paul), but it does help a bit with Early China.
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Stanley Fish Buy Spiriva Without Prescription, , no stranger to controversy, has a piece on the New York Times online blog, Opinionator, Favoritism Is Good (January 9, 2013). Fish is known for such books as There's No Such Thing As Free Speech: And a Good Thing Too, order Spiriva from mexican pharmacy, Spiriva maximum dosage, He vigorously responds to the critics of his March 2012 Two Cheers for Double Standards, published during the early phases of the presidential campaign when Rush Limbaugh and Bill Maher both made colorful and offensive remarks, Spiriva treatment. Spiriva brand name, Many said that we had to condemn both the right and the left in order to be fair.
"Enlightenment liberalism!" cried Fish, Spiriva from canada, Spiriva mg, and proceeded to explain why even-handed treatment of friend and foe was wrong. The classic liberal stance was "the transposition into the political realm of the Golden Rule: do unto others what you would have them do unto you. Don’t give your friends a pass you wouldn’t give to your enemies." That is, buy generic Spiriva, Spiriva interactions, "fairness is the great liberal virtue." Dangerous, says Fish: "Limbaugh is the bad guy.., where can i cheapest Spiriva online. why should he get an even break?" If you treat the good guys and the bad guys the same way, you are withdrawing from moral judgment, Buy Spiriva Without Prescription. Spiriva pics, That argument outraged more readers than any column he had written. An avalanche of comments asserted that merit and a single standard should rule, buy Spiriva online no prescription. Spiriva street price, Fish responds by defending the double standard: "it’s not only O.K. but positively good to favor those on your side, Spiriva from canadian pharmacy, Spiriva long term, members of your tribe. Buy Spiriva Without Prescription, These are the people who look out for you, who have your back, who share your history, who stand for the same things you do. Why would you not prefer them to strangers?"
Giving preference is not prejudice but morally grounded, Spiriva steet value, Spiriva pharmacy, he continued. The classic liberal sees the individual as "what remains after race, Spiriva coupon, Where can i find Spiriva online, gender, ethnicity and filial relationships have been discounted." This is wrong: "personhood is the sum of all these, order Spiriva online c.o.d, Spiriva pictures, and it makes no sense to disregard everything that connects you to someone and to treat him or her as if the two of you had never met."
Pop quiz: Does this remind you of anyone. Confucius called for "graded love." You don't treat your family the same way you treat a stranger, buying Spiriva online over the counter. Spiriva for sale, The Sage, like Fish, Spiriva over the counter, Order Spiriva from United States pharmacy, took a lot of flak. On the one side, the tattooed and militant Mozi (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy), seeing the predatory aristocracy of the Warring States period, made the sensible but ineffective observation that "If men were to regard the families of others as they regard their own, then who would raise his family to overthrow that of another?" Mozi called for what is often translated as "universal love," though Sam Crane at Useless Tree endorsed translating it as "inclusive care." (February 7, 2009) On the other hand, the obscure Yang Zhu declared that he would "not pluck out even one hair to save the whole world."
Fish has allies, Buy Spiriva Without Prescription. Only a few days earlier, where can i order Spiriva without prescription, Spiriva price, coupon, Steven Asma's “The Myth of Universal Love,” also at Opinionator (January 5, Spiriva dose, Where can i buy Spiriva online, 2013), took on leading liberal social theorists for thinking we can "overcome factional bias and eventually become one giant tribe." This abstract “ethical point of view, buy Spiriva from canada, Spiriva photos, ” says Asma, is "not wrong so much as irrelevant." Our actual lives are punctuated by "moral gravity, where to buy Spiriva, Low dose Spiriva, " which makes some people much more central and forceful in our "daily orbit of values."
In this column Asma talks only of the Western tradition, but his recent book gives a prominent place to the famous passage from the Analects in which a fellow brags that the people of his province are so upright that if a father steals a sheep, Spiriva no prescription, Buy Spiriva no prescription, the son will rat him out (my translation). Confucius replies, discount Spiriva, Buy Spiriva without a prescription, "Our people's uprightness is not like that. The father shields his son, Spiriva wiki, Effects of Spiriva, the son shields his father. There is uprightness in this." (Against Fairness (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, Spiriva recreational, Spiriva dangers, 2013)).
Sam Crane at Useless Tree struck back against Asma's column two days later in "Anti-Mohism in the New York Times Buy Spiriva Without Prescription, " (January 7, 2013) Crane pursues the argument with rich quotes and his accustomed sharp analysis.
Daniel Bell's "Reconciling Confucianism and Socialism: Reviving Tradition in China" at the much missed China Beat a few years ago also defended the Confucian stance of "graded love." The idea, he explained, "is that ties should be extended from the family to the state and ultimately to the whole world. But the end is not a universal solidarity, where everyone treats everyone else as an equal. Rather, ties are extended with diminishing intensity, so that strangers will be treated well but without the degree of love shared among family members."
Altogether, this exchange shows once more that certain threads of thought in the so-called East and the so-called West have more in common with each other than they do with their domestic critics.
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"Marco Polo’s reports of China, now judged mostly hearsay...." Perry Anderson, LRBI got an email from a student who found my blog post in which I make a highly critical case regarding the historicity of Marco Polo's adventures. They wanted to confirm (since some data was lost in the latest HNN transition) that it was mine for citation purposes. I've been considering revisiting it for a while now, (( You can tell by the dates on the articles linked here, this has been in draft for quite a while )) and this seems like a good time, because my views on the subject have evolved a bit since: I'm still highly skeptical of Polo, but more importantly, I think the very structure of the argument and nature of the sources makes it highly unlikely that the believers and skeptics will come to a consensus. When I expressed my doubts, lo those many years ago, I was informed that there was still some life left in Polo's tale. It turns out that there is so much scholarship on aspects of Polo's text that there's even a term for it -- "Polan scholarship" and if there's one thing Polan scholars can't stand, it's to have Polo's work seriously questioned. All the errors are "honest"; all the omissions are "explicable"; all the unconfirmed and untranslated stuff are just waiting to be decoded if only we had better Chinese sources; and incomprehensible bits are the result of Polo listening to the wrong people. That's the attitude going in, and it's the same attitude coming out. (( there's a lot of emotion in Polan defenses, though if I'd made a life's work on a complex source and found a lot of scholars who hadn't attacking it as fraudulent, I might be emotional about it as well )) There seem to be lots of Euro-centric scholars with strong attachments to Polo, but a lot of Sino-centric scholars were very dubious. (( E.g. Obituary of John Larner, historian of Marco Polo. And "New archeological data highlights Polo errors." )) Foreigners were involved in Qin construction, and travel in China was common and widespread: the idea that China was closed or that people never migrated are both vestiges of simplistic thinking rather than historical verities. Even the harshest critics of Polo's historicity admit that he got some thing right, and must have had some valid sources. The question is whether he was an eyewitness and participant in the history and culture he described, and, most importantly, whether he can be considered a credible independent source for the study of Chinese history and culture. I think the answer is still "no." The story is great, but even if you take it seriously, it's fantastical. ((WaPo review of new Polo bio)) Still, having entered this fray, I feel an intellectual obligation to stay informed. So when I ran across a catalog blurb for Stephen Haw's Marco Polo's China: a Venetian in the realm of Khubilai Khan (Routledge, 2006), it piqued my interest; thanks to inter-library loan, I finally got hold of it. Only for a week, unfortunately, but it was an interesting ride. Haw's work is mostly about details: linguistic, biological and cultural details which jibe with Yuan China and particularly those which seem to be based most firmly on observation instead of second-hand transmission. At times the argument feels stretched, linguistically and zoologically, and the disjunction between the evidence and the conclusions is consistent throughout. Unfortunately, Haw relies heavily on de Rachewiltz's pro-Polo arguments on authenticity, and then goes well beyond it. Essentially, everything that Polo gets right, especially if he gets it just a little bit wrong, proves his story; Polo is never an unreliable narrator, except where he's been given bad information.
It has very commonly been said that Marco exaggerates in his descriptions of the Yuan empire and other places. This is only partly true. Frequently, his account is entirely accurate....His description of Hangzhou is very largely confirmed by Chinese sources. Where obvious exaggerations do occur, it is usually very likely that they reflect information that had been given to Marco by others, rather than his own tendency to overstatement.
The hedging and dodging here is then followed up by a remarkable strawman argument, an attack on a reductio version of Polo criticism that I've never heard anyone offer. The fact that Polo got a fair bit right proves that he wasn't lying about anything, because he could have just made the whole story up. But there aren't any critics who think Polo made it all up; most Polo critics argue that he plagiarized large portions of his descriptions, and inserted himself into the story in the most dramatic and self-gratifying way he thought plausible. This is a long quotation, yes, but I want Haw's whole argument visible; I don't want people to think I'm creating a straw man from his claims:
If Marco had wished to exaggerate wildly, whether in relation to his own position in the empire of the Great Khan, or in his description of the East, he could very easily have done so. How many people in Europe at the time could have contradicted him, whatever he had put in his book? Apart from his father and uncle, there were very few indeed who had travelled so extensively, or spent so long, in the eastern half of Asia. His relatives might have been persuaded not to expose any false claims, so as not to shame the family. If Marco had wanted to lie, to invent for himself a false position as an important servant of Khubilai Khan, a life of glory in the Far East, then he could have said virtually anything he wanted. There was no reason at all for him to try to be more than minimally accurate, to include just enough truth in his story to make it more or less credible. The fact that most of his account is, on the contrary, demonstrably truthful and correct is a very strong argument in favour of Marco's general veracity. He was far more truthful than he needed to be. Again, if Marco had invented the whole story of his journey to the East and his sojourn in the empire of Khubilai Khan, it is extremely unlikely that he could have avoided making numerous obvious mistakes. In particular, if he had obtained his information at second hand, without ever visiting China, then it would surely have been almost impossible for him to have avoided glaring anachronisms. It would have taken time to amass such a volume of information, much of which might well have been out of date by the time it reached Marco. If his information had come from more than one source, then it would probably have related to somewhat different periods of time which, without any personal knowledge of the true situation, he could not have reconciled successfully. It is very striking, however, that Marco's accounts of his journeys and of the Yuan empire are exactly right for the period. It has already been pointed out several times in this book that Marco shows accurate knowledge of events and situations that came to pass at exactly the time that he was in the Far East, sometimes only a few years before his return to Venice. It is extremely unlikely that he could have obtained such correct and up-to-date information except by personal observation. Some one and a half centuries after Marco's time, Nicolo de' Conti travelled at least as far to the east as Myanmar. Yet the information that he was able to collect about China was minimal and highly inaccurate. Although the Mongols had been driven from China more than half a century earlier, he stated that the ruler of Cathay was 'the Great Khan'. He seems to have had some vague information about the change of capital city to Nanjing during the early Ming dynasty, but still called the chief city 'Cambalec' (Poggio and Ludovico 1963: 17-18). If this is typical of what could be discovered about China from as near as South-east Asia, then it would surely have been impossible for Marco to have obtained so much correct information except through actually being there. (175-176, emphasis added)In fact, most of the problems which Haw claims Polo avoids are precisely the problems that critics like myself see in Polo: overblown self-important claims, exaggerations, errors which suggest 2nd and 3rd hand information, and accurate information which is mostly undatable and often very similar to the kind of reference works and histories produced in China. That some people made errors that Polo avoided doesn't change the fact that Polo made errors which he should have avoided. And the fact that Polo knew things that might have been hard to know unless you travelled doesn't change the fact that lots of people travelled and communicated along the routes that Polo had access to; In fact, it's probably more plausible that information travelled those routes and came to Polo than it is that Polo himself travelled the routes he claimed. There's an immense amount of special pleading. Take, for example, Haw's discussion of transcription and translation issues, which is used entirely to explain away the problems in Polo's accounts:
In judging the accuracy of Marco's account, it must always be borne in mind that none of the surviving manuscripts of his book seem in any sense to be 'original'. All have passed through the hands of copyists and, very often, also of translators (Larner 1999: 109). All are quite clearly, to at least some extent, corrupt. Errors in the text may have originated in a variety of ways. Marco himself may have made mistakes. Rustichello may have compounded these, adding further errors of his own. It is possible that he may sometimes have misunderstood what Marco told him. If Marco found it difficult to read the Franco-Italian text written down by Rustichello, he may not have been able to recognize all such early flaws. When the text came to be copied and translated by others, however, the possibility of the introduction of many further inaccuracies and errors grew tremendously. It was quite normal for scribes of the period to 'improve' upon the texts that they copied by making deletions and additions. John of Piano Carpini included a plea near the end of his History of the Mongols, begging 'all those who read the foregoing account not to cut out or add anything' (Dawson (ed.) 1955: 71). Translators were even more liable than copyists to make major changes. The Latin version of Marco's book prepared by Francesco Pipino is an instructive example. He did not hesitate to delete passages that he disliked and to make additions whenever he felt like doing so. Usually, this involved inserting abuse of Muslims or adherents of other non-Christian religions, which is generally conspicuously absent from versions closer to Marco's original intentions (Larner 1999: 76, 104, 113-14). It can be assumed that, where there are errors and inaccuracies in the book, the great majority originated with copyists and translators, not with Marco. (Haw, 176-177)I particularly like how he starts the chain of reasoning with "Marco himself may have made mistakes." then winds up assuming that only a tiny portion of the failings of the book are Marco's himself. It is true that Polo's book suffers from a shocking degree of textual variation, but the bulk of Haw's argument, and de Rachewiltz's before him, rests on the presumption that the text is still somehow useable, that the confirmable elements create a presumption of reliability for the unconfirmable remainder of the text; my argument, and that of Frances Wood and others, rests on the presumption that the known falsifiable elements of all versions of the text, and the omission of a lot of material that could plausibly be there in a first-hand account of someone who saw as much as Polo claimed, creates a presumption of unreliability for the unconfirmed parts of the book. Haw's conclusion rehashes the argument reasonably well:
various inaccuracies and mistakes ... few serious geographical errors. ... Parts of Marco's book are confused and confusing, parts are inaccurate, parts are exaggerated. No definite reference can be found to any of the Polos in Chinese or Mongol sources. Marco seems not to have noticed some things that we might perhaps expect him to have seen.Ok, that's not fair. I left out critical components of his conclusions to demonstrate something: Polan critics and supporters actually agree on a great deal. What's different is the presumption of innocence that Polan scholars seem willing to allow, a presumption that I think is at odds with the appropriate skepticism of historians, particularly for more extraordinary claims that should be verifiable. Haw's conclusion is actually:
Overall, despite various inaccuracies and mistakes, Marco Polo's account is remarkable for being absolutely consistent with his claims. There seem to be no detectable anachronisms in his book and very few serious geographical errors. His account of his return journey with his father and uncle, accompanying a Mongol Princess from China to Persia, has quite recently been proved to show knowledge of events that he could scarcely have known about except through personal involvement. Many scholars believe that this is more or less conclusive proof of his story. On balance, it is very much more likely that Marco Polo did indeed go to China than that he did not. It is also likely that he spoke at least a little Chinese (which has almost invariably been thought not to have been the case by previous editors and annotators), though he may well not have been able to read or write Chinese characters. Parts of Marco's book are confused and confusing, parts are inaccurate, parts are exaggerated. No definite reference can be found to any of the Polos in Chinese or Mongol sources. Marco seems not to have noticed some things that we might perhaps expect him to have seen. It would, however, be a serious mistake to judge the book from an exclusively modern point of view and unreasonable to demand of a merchant's son of modest education an erudite and exacting approach to what he saw.
The irony of Haw's book is that his attempt to prove Polo's veracity ended up failing for me precisely because Haw was trying to be a responsible historian. I tell my students that there is no such thing as a "smoking gun" document, that one document by itself is meaningless. What historians really work with is rich context: looking at the totality of evidence available, and reasonable inferences and generalizations, to judge reliability and importance of individual documents. (( which then becomes part of the body of work by which we judge future documents, etc. )) Haw did a lot of work trying to make sense of Polo's claims, sometimes successfully. But given the manifest flaws of his source, which Haw himself admits, he accomplishes very little. Polan loyalists are already convinced that Polo's claims are valid and useful, except where directly contradicted by evidence. But they are not going to convince Polan skeptics of the truth of Polo's claims except by verification. And the amount of work necessary to make a good case of Polo is the best evidence that Marco Polo's Travels is a bad historical source that should not be relied upon for anything which cannot be independently verified.
Columbia University Press Levaquin For Sale, is publishing a complete translation of the Huainanzi, a Han-dynasty compendium of philosophy and statecraft which has been of great interest to scholars for many years but is only now receiving a full English translation
We are lucky enough to have John Major, one of the translators here for a guest post on the process of translation and also to answer a few questions.
In March of this year Columbia University Press published The Huainanzi: A Guide to the Theory and Practice of Government in Early Han China, purchase Levaquin for sale, Levaquin price, coupon, a translation of a classic work of early Chinese philosophy written under the general editorship of Liu An, King of Huainan, Levaquin treatment, Buy Levaquin no prescription, and presented to the Han imperial throne in 139 BCE. My colleagues and I in the translation team hope and expect that this first-ever translation of The Huainanzi into English will make an important contribution to the study of Chinese intellectual history by opening a fascinating window into currents of thought in the early Han dynasty, discount Levaquin. Order Levaquin no prescription, The process of translating this massive and challenging work may be of interest..
In about 1994 I mentioned to my friend Hal Roth (Harold D, buying Levaquin online over the counter. Roth, Brown University) that I was thinking of doing a full Huainanzi translation, and he replied that he was thinking of doing the same, Levaquin For Sale. Levaquin images, So we decided to join forces; that's how the project got started. Both of us had already devoted large amounts of our professional attention to the Huainanzi, Levaquin gel, ointment, cream, pill, spray, continuous-release, extended-release. Where to buy Levaquin, We believed that it was under-appreciated in the field of early China studies; everyone in the field knew of Liu An's great work and perhaps consulted it for comparative purposes when working on other texts, but few people at that time had made The Huainanzi the focus of their research, buy Levaquin online no prescription. Levaquin mg, It was the last really major work of Chinese philosophy from the early imperial period that still lacked a complete English translation. Levaquin For Sale, (A Paris-based group beat us to the distinction of publishing the first Western-language translation; their French translation was published in 2002.)
We landed a Chiang Ching-kuo fellowship to begin the work in 1996-98. Jay Sailey, buy cheap Levaquin no rx, Levaquin samples, an independent scholar who also had a longstanding interest in The Huainanzi was initially part of the project but later dropped out; a few years into the project two additional participants came on board. The final team consisted of John Major, my Levaquin experience, Levaquin trusted pharmacy reviews, Sarah Queen (Connecticut College), Andrew Meyer (Brooklyn College) and Hal Roth, Levaquin dangers. Online buying Levaquin, Michael Puett (Harvard) participated in the translation of chapter 13, and Judson Murray (Wright State U.) participated in the translation of chapter 21, Levaquin blogs. Levaquin use, But the core team was the four of us.
The project took so long -- about fifteen years -- partly because the text is quite large (the published translation runs to just over 1000 pages) and also quite difficult (it is in standard Classical Chinese but there are many textual issues to deal with and some of the language and the technical terminology is far from transparent), Levaquin For Sale. Also all of the participants had other ongoing obligations; it was never possible for everyone on the team to work on the project full-time, Levaquin australia, uk, us, usa, Levaquin without prescription, all the time. The last three years or so were very intense and we all basically put aside as much as possible of our other research and writing to concentrate on the Huainanzi, doses Levaquin work, Order Levaquin from United States pharmacy, but even so, there were courses to prepare and teach, comprar en línea Levaquin, comprar Levaquin baratos, Buy no prescription Levaquin online, administrative work to be done, other research and writing commitments to honor, ordering Levaquin online, Kjøpe Levaquin på nett, köpa Levaquin online, and so on. But we were determined to work as a team rather than simply dividing up and parceling out the work (as the French group had done); we were convinced that approaching the text in a truly collaborative fashion was the key to making the translation as accurate and graceful as possible, Levaquin steet value. Where can i cheapest Levaquin online, The procedure that we adopted was complicated. Levaquin For Sale, We began by dividing up responsibility for doing first-draft translations of all of the 21 chapters. Then each draft was read and critiqued by all other members of the team, Levaquin pictures, Purchase Levaquin online, revised, read and critiqued again, Levaquin reviews, Levaquin from mexico, and further revised. The aim was to make the final versions as complete, generic Levaquin, Buy Levaquin without prescription, accurate, and seamless as possible, buy Levaquin without a prescription, Cheap Levaquin, no matter who did the initial draft. From 1998 to 2009 we met for four or five very hard-working weekends per year at Brown to hash out difficult passages and discuss, Levaquin long term, Buy Levaquin from mexico, for example, uniform ways of translating important terms. The last stage of translation consisted of reading the entire work aloud -- taking turns, one person would read while the other three followed along in the classical Chinese text, looking for errors. That took many, many hours, but it proved to be extremely worthwhile, Levaquin For Sale.
Manuscript preparation itself was a big job that took about two years: peer review, revision; copy-editing, more revision; page proofs, corrections; appendices, index, etc. It was a huge undertaking just in the physical sense; the final typescript ran to over 1600 double-spaced pages.
Working as a team was really essential to the project; it was a much more complicated way of doing the task than a solo effort might have been, but the result is much better than any of us could have done alone. Intensive, long-term collaborative work is quite common in the natural sciences but relatively rare in other fields; I think that the success of this project demonstrates the merits of such close collaboration in the humanities despite its complexity and the hard work required to implement it. Levaquin For Sale, The Huainanzi is full of fascinating material, and the effort of translating it was more than repaid by the intellectual challenge of doing the work and the satisfaction of having it turn out well. And we are delighted with the actual published volume, which was extremely handsomely produced by Columbia University Press. It is gratifying that the first printing sold out within three months, and the book is already in its second printing. It is very satisfying to have this work finally out in the world.
John S. Major
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China’s petition system dates back to the Zhou dynasty 3,000 years ago. It embodies a Confucian tradition that idealises an authoritarian yet benevolent ruler who puts the concerns of his subjects above the interests of corrupt officials.There's the obvious point, that the Zhou dynasty predates Confucianism by a half-millenium or more. Confucius never dealt with the issue of petitions (( One of the many issues Confucius never dealt with. )), nor can I recall any pre-Han thinker postulating such an active (and literate) role for commoners. All of them, though, put the welfare of the people and the state above that of individual (especially dishonest) officials. One of the principle concerns of the more institutionally-minded figures (Mozi, Xunzi, Hanfeizi) is how to pick honest officials, and root out (or work around) dishonest ones, but none of them argue for violating the chain of command, even in extraordinary circumstances. They want a monitoring system which works well in normal circumstances, not something which encourages disorder. The sidebar continues
After the 1911 republican revolution, petitioning was abolished by the Nationalist government. The Communists reinstated it soon after their 1949 revolution. Experts say petitioning remains basically unchanged from the system in place 500 years ago in the Ming dynasty, when the formal evaluation of government officials began to take into account the number of petitioners who travelled to the capital from their region.Since the Nationalist government was a democratic/republican system, presumably petitioning wouldn't be necessary. I'm a bit surprised that the article didn't take a slightly more critical approach to the idea that petitioning was a normal process over the last sixty years and only recently has started to break down. I can't imagine that petitioning for redress in the era of Mao or Deng wasn't fraught with danger for the petitioner, from the problem of unauthorized travel to the assumption that Party officials are always in the right. The responses that the article describes -- detention, harassment, false imprisonment under the guise of mental illness -- are classic Communist party tools for handling dissension, used widely in the Soviet Union as well as in China. The last point in the sidebar -- the use of petitions as a metric of administrative quality -- is central to the article: the extralegal attempts by local officials to suppress petitions and petitioners is rooted in systemic self-protection, the avoidance of the appearance of trouble. Modern transportation technology, as the article notes, makes travel easier for petitioners, and has contributed to the rise in numbers. But, of course, the nature of modern society is such that it is also much easier to identify, track, monitor petitioners now than it was even fifty years ago, much less five hundred. The problem of danson minpi ("honoring officials, despising the people" as the Japanese put it) was intense during the latter half of the 20th century in China: the scaling up of suppression efforts to match the scaling up of petitions is pretty much par for the course, but the information environment is very different now, and the question of government legitimacy more intense.
Yan Ying on harmony and conformity
"Only [Liangqiu] Ju is harmonious (he) with me."
[Yan Ying] answered: "Ju conforms (tong) with you; how can he be harmonious?"
The lord asked: "Are harmony and conformity different?"
[Yan Ying] answered: "They are different. Harmony is like a stew. Water, fire, jerky, mincemeat, salt, and plum [vinegar] are used to cook fish and meat; they are cooked over firewood. Then the master chef harmonizes them, mixes them according to taste, compensating for what is insufficient and diminishing what is too strong. The superior man (junzi) eats it to calm (ping) his heart.
It is the same with the ruler and minister. When there is something unacceptable about what the ruler considers acceptable, the minister points out the unacceptable in order to perfect the acceptability [of the ruler's plan]. When there is something acceptable in what the ruler considers unacceptable, the minister points out the acceptable in order to eliminate the unacceptable. In this way the government is equalized (ping) and without transgressions, and the people have no contending (zheng) heart. ...
As for Ju, he is not like this. Whatever you consider acceptable, Ju also says it is acceptable, whatever you consider unacceptable, Ju also says it is unacceptable. This is like complementing water with more water: who will be able to drink it? If the zithers and dulcimers were to hold a single tone, who could listen to it? This is how conformity (tong) is unacceptable."
Zuo Zhao 20, cited in Pines 160-161
It is within the karaoke bar that the bonding properties of music – so beloved of Confucians – become manifest. If the hostesses offer sex as well as harmonious conversation, that too is as the Sage Master might wish. “I never met anyone,” he told his 5th-century BC students approvingly, “who values virtue more than physical beauty.”Wow. Chinese Text Project translates it (9.18) differently 子曰：“吾未見好德如好色者也. The Master said, "I have not seen one who loves virtue as he loves beauty." Almost all the translators I have looked at either read this as Confucius criticizing people for liking sex over virtue, or as recomending you to pursue virtue with the same eagerness you pursue sex (Brooks). Where is Bell's reading coming from? I suppose if you totally ignored the Confucian dislike of sexual licentiousness you might be able to come up with this. You would also have to ignore all the Confucian stuff about how music is not -good- but -powerful- and that music can both inspire virute and inspire bad behavior. (Such as sex and excessive drinking). There are lots of ways of explaining the sex culture of China, but I would not think of Confucius as being one of them. Has anyone read this book? Is it really as bad as the review makes it look?
6/3.1 Once when Kongjia, a sovereign of the house of Xia, was hunting at Mount Fu in Dongyang, there was a great wind and the sky darkened. Kongjia, lost and confused, entered the house of a commoner. At that very moment the woman of the house was giving birth. Someone said, "When the sovereign comes, it is a lucky day. Your son is certain to enjoy extraordinarily good fortune." Another person said, "He is not equal to it. Your son is certain to suffer some catastrophe." The sovereign thereupon seized the child and returned home with him, saying, "If I make him my son, who will dare harm him?" When the boy grew to maturity, it happened that a tent shifted, causing its supporting post to split, and a falling ax chopped off his foot. The boy was fit only to become a gatekeeper. Kongjia cried, "Alas! Suffering affliction is a matter of fate after all!" He then composed the song entitled, "Grinding an Ax." This marked the beginning of the tunes in the eastern style. 6/3.2 While inspecting his work for controlling the floods, Yu saw a girl at Mount Tu; but before he could formally propose to her, he left to make a tour of inspection of the southern lands. The girl ordered a slave to spy on Yu at the southern slopes of Mount Tu. The girl then composed a song that went, "Spying on a man, ah!" This marked the beginning of the tunes in the southern style. The Dukes of Zhou and of Shao selected from these tunes the airs that came to be known as "Zhou nan" and "Shao nan" 6/3.3 King Zhao of Zhou personally led an attack of chastisement against Chu. Xin Yumi, who was both tall and very strong, was on the king's right. On the way back, while they were crossing the Han River, the bridge collapsed. Both the king and the Duke of Cai were tossed into the river. Pulling the king, Xin Yumi crossed to the north bank. Then he went back to pull out the Duke of Cai. The Duke of Zhou then enfeoffed Xin Yumi as a marquis in the region of the West Di barbarians and thus he became senior duke among the feudal lords. When Zhengjia of the Yin dynasty moved to West of the River, he still missed his old home, and as a result created tunes in the western style. The senior duke continued to write these tunes when he resided in the western mountains. When Duke Mu of Qin collected these airs, it marked the beginning of the tunes of Qin. 6/3.4 The head of the Song barbarians had two lovely daughters and built the Terrace of Nine Tiers for them to live in. They had to have music played whenever they ate or drank. The Supreme Sovereign ordered a swallow to spy on them. Its cry sounded like "jik-rik" Loving this, the two girls struggled to catch the swallow. Putting it in a jade canister, they would take it out to look at it for a short time. The swallow, having laid two eggs, flew off to the north, never to return. The two girls wrote a song, with a refrain that went, "Swallow, swallow, flew away." This marked the beginning of the tunes in the northern style. 6/3.5 As a general rule, runes are products of the heart and mind of man. When feelings are aroused in the heart, they are expressed in melody. Melody that takes shape without is a transformation of what is within. This explains how one knows the customs of a people from hearing their music. By examining their customs, one knows their intentions. By observing their intentions, one knows their Powers. Whether a person is ascending or declining, worthy or unworthy, a gentleman or a petty man is given visible form in music and cannot be hidden. Hence, it is said, "What is visible in music is profound indeed!"To me this is yet another reason why music is the better part of Rites and Music. Music is more universal. Although some texts suggest that different dynasties had different rites they certainly don't vary by region or the quality of the individual. You could not tell much about a person from their ritual behavior. They either kept up the rites or they did not. Outsiders either adopted Chinese rites or they did not. How boring. Music is far more expressive and interesting. You can tell a lot about a man or a state by its music, just as you could laterd by their calligraphy. Rites don't give you much to think about, but music does. As a historian when I teach about Rites and Music I tend to focus on rites, since in the Shang and Early Zhou it was ritual that mattered in creating the state and the elite, but I am starting to think I should talk more about music going forward.