As someone who is a member of an academic department and of two University-wide committees I think a lot about bureaucracy. Since I am teaching Modern China this semester I am also thinking about the history of bureaucracy. Actually, I’m not sure it -has- a history, since the basic principles seem to be timeless and unchanging. The example below comes from Huang Liu-hung’s A Complete Book Concerning Happiness and Benevolence Written in 1694 this is a manual for district magistrates; the men who, having passed the civil service exams, were now to be sent out to run a county, the basic building block of the Chinese administrative system. Just like recent graduates everywhere, they found that their education did not fully prepare them for the world of work. This sample is an informal report that Huang sent. He is complaining about two military officials who are in his district but not under his command. He is complaining to their superior, (who is not his superior) about their performance in office. This missive is sent on the occasion of Huang starting his mourning leave (unplanned) so it is not clear if he was warming up to send this in any case and wants to get it in before he goes, or if he just figures this is a good time for a parting shot. As it is an informal complaint he does not have to prove anything or track down the source of any rumours, but since he is an official and sent this letter it has the potential to put Commander Yang in a bad spot if things blow up in the future and it is clear that he has not looked into this warning. If you want to understand perfect bureaucratic trouble-making, this is it.

An Informal Report Presented to Provincial Military Commander Yang
Since your humble subordinate arrived at the post, he has paid special attention to the organisation of the pao-chia system and ordered patrolling duties day and night because T’an-cheng, being close to the wooded hills of I-chou, I-hsien, and the Western Hills, and bordering P’ei-hsien and Su-ch’ien in Kiangsu province,  is a convenient refuge for lawbreakers from these places.¹ Your humble subordinate has also made frequent night inspections himself to insure the peace of the district and relieve Your Excellency’s anxiety.² As to the garrison officers stationed in the district, your humble subordinate has tried to cultivate their friendship. The soldiers of the two military posts have also been entertained frequently. Since the civil and military personnel are colleagues, their cooperation is needed in times of emergency. Your humble subordinate has been the magistrate of T’an-ch’eng for two years. Fortunately, the unlawful elements have not attempted to create trouble during this period. This is mainly due to Your Excellency’s authority which has been acknowledged far and wide, and also to the cooperation of the garrison officers, who have carried out the good intentions of their commander.

Unfortunately, your humble subordinate has lost his father and while in deep grief is awaiting the arrival of the succeeding magistrate. Recent news from intelligence sources indicates that outlaw groups in P’ei-hsien and Su-ch’ien are preparing to take some action.³ The safety of the whole district will depend upon the garrison officers. Traditionally two officers are stationed in this district: one in the city, responsible for protecting the district seat, granaries, and treasuries; and the other in Hung-hua-pu, responsible for control of the main thoroughfare of the district. Only people with ability, courage, experience, and determination can discharge these heavy duties with success.
Lieutenant X, who is now stationed in the city, is good natured but too easygoing and lackadaisical.⁴ Lieutenant Y, stationed in Hung-hua-pu, is young and arrogant and maintains no discipline over his soldiers. The two officers, therefore, are less than perfect. Your humble subordinate has enjoyed the confidence of Your Excellency for a long time. He cannot keep silent when it is his duty to report what he has heard-hence this  confidential report.

The deployment of soldiers in the various townships should be frequently reviewed, yet Lieutenant X has never ventured outside the city gate to check their performance. He is not known to have fulfilled any night patrol duty for months on end, which proves that he is rather negligent of his duties. One of the squad leaders, Chang San, allowed his wife to gather wheat from neighbor Shao Chiin-ai’s field on the tenth day of the fifth month. Two soldiers, Chang Chin and Shih Erh, forcibly sickled the grain of
the village elder Chang Mao-te on the twenty-third day of the sixth month.⁵ When Chang Mao-te went to question ,them, they assembled their comrades and beat him brutally. The chief warden examined the victim and declared that “the wounds covered his whole body like fish scales:’ The people of the whole district are uneasy about the incidents.⁶ When soldiers are allowed to beat people at will, what discipline is there? Chang San also manacled the night-watchman Wang Chia-ying; another soldier, Chen Yu, knifed the tax prompter Li Ying-yang; and a squad leader named Wang let his son Yuan-chen and others hit the runner Wang Chin-li until the latter’s face was covered with blood. These victims were all employees of the district yamen.⁷ Another soldier, Tai Chin, entered the house of constable Chao Ying-chi, demanded drinks and raped his wife. These incidents illustrate the way the yamen staff are mistreated by the garrison soldiers. However, the said lieutenant was guilty only of lack of discipline, not knowing how to control his men; there was no intentional malice involved.⁸

The other lieutenant’s performance has been even more outrageous. He has led his men in committing all kinds of atrocities. For instance, when he was making a call at the time of his arrival at the post, he met a courier of the office of the Director General of Grain Transport, Yang Shou-fu, on the road. When the courier did not dismount to let him have the right-of-way, the lieutenant was incensed. He had the courier manacled and brought to his garrison headquarters and did not release the latter until after dark. The courier was detained for a whole day just because he failed to dismount. Only express documents marked with time limits are carried by mounted couriers. Who but the courier would be blamed if delivery was delayed?
The market of Hung-hua-pu is a strategic point on the north-south communication line. The key to the gate of the stockade of the town has traditionally been kept by the village headman. When a messenger from the post station had to pass through, theheadman would open the gate for him at any time. Since the arrival of the lieutenant, the key has been kept at garrison headquarters. Sometimes when messengers are held up at the gate they try to run the blockade or beat the grooms. If a memorial or
an imperial order must be delivered urgently, who bears the responsibility for such a delay?

By tradition there has been an annual festival celebrated at the Hung-hua-pu market in honor of the horse deity. During one such festival a stage play was in progress when the lieutenant arrived. The female impersonator did not stand up to show respect for a dignitary. The lieutenant had him flogged. Not until all spectators knelt before him and begged for clemency did the flogging stop; the actor had already received three heavy blows. The lieutenant had walked into the theater unannounced. How
could he punish the female impersonator for insolence? This is only one instance of his arrogance.
One time garrison soldier Chang Wen-teng and other soldiers went to sleep while on duty, having ordered night watchmen Chang Yin-shan and T’ang Hsiao-shih to make their rounds. When the latter wandered too far from the garrison, the soldiers had them suspended in the air and beaten. The people of the market sympathized but made no protest. When Chancellor Kuo of the Grand Secretariat passed through Hung-hua-pu, a squad leader named Lu and others went to the post station and commandeered
four horses to perform some military transportation duty. The horses were not sent back until the next day at sunset and were almost dead of exhaustion. This shows how reckless Lieutenant Y’s soldiers were.
The most startling incident of all happened on the eighth day.⁹
The most starling incident of all happened on the eighth day of the seventh month, when there was an altercation between a Hung-hua-pu post station groom named Chang T’iao-yuan and an egg seller, Wang T’ai-p’ing. A garrison soldier named Chiang Te-sheng suddenly intervened and beat the groom with a heavy object. When the groom reported the incident to the lieutenant, the latter not only did not discipline his soldier, he ordered squad leader Lu to beat the groom to the brink of death. From then on
the garrison soldiers turned on the grooms at every opportunity. The result was that the entire group of grooms left the post for several days during which urgent documents could not be delivered. All these incidents were witnessed by the people of the market.
The intent of the government in establishing local garrisons is to protect the people. These garrison soldiers are committing all kinds of atrocities, and their officers not only fail to keep them in bounds but encourage them by taking part in their outrageous activities. The relationship between the people and the military is threatened, not to speak of the protection supposedly afforded by the military.
Battalion Commander Chu Cheng-ming and Lieutenant Shih Ying-pei, who were formerly in command of garrison headquarters in T’an-ch’eng, were respected by the soldiers and loved by the people.¹⁰ When on night patrol they always went before their
soldiers. Both could be labeled officers with ability, courage, experience and determination. When Battalion Commander Chu was ordered transferred to another post in the winter of the ninth
year of K’ang-hsi, your humble subordinate sent a petition, based on an appeal from the people, to retain him at the post. However, Your Excellency refused to approve the request on the ground that the established regulation should not be interfered with. Now, may your humble subordinate repeat his request to have Chu Ch’eng-ming and Shih Ying-p’ei replace the incumbents, so that the soldiers will once more be disciplined and the peace of the district protected?

Your humble subordinate has never offended the garrison officers during his tour of duty at T’an-cheng. Why should he bring wrath upon himself now that he is about to leave the post? It is prompted by his concern for the future safety of the district which has nothing to do with his personal feelings toward either the former or the incumbent officers. It is urgently hoped that Your Excellency will kindly consider his request for the benefit of the people of the district. Your humble subordinate will feel
forever grateful.
A Follow-Up Report
With regard to the case of Shao Chun-ai, your humble subordinate had already sent a petition which must have reached the attention of Your Excellency.

Your humble subordinate harbored no acrimony against the two officers. He did not expect Your Excellency to order a thorough investigation. It was your humble subordinate’s concern for the future welfare of the district that prompted him to request a change of the garrison officers. Since your humble subordinate had enjoyed Your Excellency’s trust for a long time, he had no reservations about what he thought should be made known to Your Excellency. It was not his intention to make these incidents
into a big case. Now, not only is the future of these two officers hanging in the balance, your humble subordinate also feels remorseful for taking such a blundering action.
Your humble subordinate has received your instruction to summon the important witnesses Chung San and others, some thirty odd people. The order will, of course, be carried out. However, those summoned are mostly artisans or laborers who support themselves by manual work. The distance between the
provincial capital and the district is over 700 li. They cannot earn a livelihood while traveling such a long distance back and forth. When they heard about the summonses, they were scared and
came very near running away. Your Excellency’s order was intended for the preservation of peace of the district, but it resulted in the creation of alarm and loss of livelihood for these poor people. This is not what your humble subordinate had expected from Your Excellency’s benevolent decision.

Accordingly, your humble subordinate sincerely implores that the cases be dismissed without further investigation.¹¹ Not only will the future careers of these two officers be preserved, the conscience of your humble subordinate can rest at ease. The summoned witnesses, Shao Chun-ai, Chung San, and others
will also receive the benefit of Your Excellency’s wise decision, which will symbolise both mercy and authority. Your humble subordinate dares to present this irrational request because he has continuously enjoyed Your Excellency’s favor and hopes that the request will be granted.

1. The border of two administrative regions was always a popular location for bandits.
2. I have gone above and beyond my responsibilities.
3. So nothing has happened yet, but I have reason to think it may soon.
4. A bit of praise makes it clear that the criticism is not just personal
5. Lots of very damming specifics, yet oddly no reports on the the criminal prosecution of these malefactors.
6. Always good to add some customer reaction
7. If they will attack other officials they must really be out of control. Just like a cop-killer is worse than a regular killer.
8. What will you bet that the next officer will be outright malicious?
9. They also seem very likely to get Y’s boss in trouble with higher-ups
10. so the problem does not lay in the soldiers or the district
11. Not sure if this is a final bit of CYA, or if the response from above was more potent than expected.

There is something of a tradition here of posting draft syllabi and asking for advice. It’s too late for advice to do me any good (although criticism always helps) So here is what I am doing for Modern China this semester.

I found a nice paper on migration inside China from Vox ¹ They look at migrations inside China, and find a lot of things that you would expect. Network effects are important, leading people from one place to tend to move to the same place and cluster in the same jobs. This is what a lot of sources tell us about historical migration in China, but it is nice to see it confirmed with hard data. One thing I find particularly interesting is the extent to which migrants keep a foot in the countryside. Sojourners under the Qing and Republic were less likely to visit the old sod, I would guess, unless they were rich. As the chart below shows, over a quarter of current migrants spend 2 months a year back home. That is either a very long Spring Festival, or maybe they are coming back regularly. It may just be that the data are capturing more recent migrants, and they might tend to visit home more. In any case, there is some interesting data and nice graphs in here.

1. Actually, I think someone else found it. It was in my bookmarks, but I have no idea how it got there

Are you keeping up with China Postcards on Flikr? You should be, as he is posting an amazing collection of old cards, press photos and other stuff.

Above we have Vietnamese colonial troops preparing to defend Shanghai in 1927. Below we have Taiwanese soldiers on their way to the front during the war.

Below we have people knitting and, presumably, being reformed though labor, in 1965. There are a lot of great images in here

Press Photo 1132 新闻老照片-北平学生反日大游行 Beijing 1936

Press Photo 1225 新闻老照片-由大陆来到印度支那 1950

]]> http://www.froginawell.net/china/2010/11/china-postcards/feed/ 0 http://www.froginawell.net/china/2010/03/education-in-pictures/ http://www.froginawell.net/china/2010/03/education-in-pictures/#comments Fri, 12 Mar 2010 08:13:55 +0000 Alan Baumler http://www.froginawell.net/china/?p=1696 As we are at mid-semester I thought it would be a nice time to think about Education, with a little help from Feng Zikai, Republican China’s best-known cartoonist. All images from the Chinese edition of Christoph Harbsmeier Feng Zikai Social Realism with a Buddhist Face Shandong Huabao, 2004]]>

As we are at mid-semester I thought it would be a nice time to think about Education, with a little help from Feng Zikai, Republican China’s best-known cartoonist.

Feng obviously did not think much of education in general

Education is the process of changing raw materials into something else

But it does not seem to be much fun for those who experience it.

To some extent schools are just part of a larger social process. Here the fists are labeled Parents and Teachers

Society creates social difference. Here are two sons looking at their fathers

But schools are a big part of it, as Elementary, Middle and College (in the center) teachers

Change their students into copies of themselves

Schools as intstituions were part of the problem. The monkey on top of the pole is the teacher, the administrators are playing a tune, students are watching, and of course someone is collecting money. I may have to put this on my office door.

Teachers might try to destroy student's minds with endless drill and repetition

But the human spirit will always find ways to resist

Even in the days before Facebook and texting, students could find better things to do in class that whatever they were supposed to. Here we see a student in English class reading something in Chinese, (hopefully a Wuxia novel)

a student in an economics lecture doing something of practical economic use.

Of course no matter how they fought back, the institution was still trying to reduce them to a common level, and there was not much they could do about it. Here we see the Chinese version of No Child Left Behind, leveling them all off by age.

This may make Feng look cynical. He was actually one of the most sentimental artists I know, but something about schools brought out the acid in his pen.

All images from the Chinese edition of Christoph Harbsmeier Feng Zikai Social Realism with a Buddhist Face Shandong Huabao, 2004

Lots of bits of Chinese prose would make great blog entries. (A blog is basically a biji, more or less) Plus, they make great things to teach from. So, if any of you are teaching about the Song dynasty elite and their attitudes towards the mundane world you might find this from our guest-blogger Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 to be helpful or informative.  (tips on working with it here)

A Record of the Pavilion of an Intoxicated Old Man

Ou-yang Hsiu

All around Ch’u there are mountains, but the forests and valleys of that assemblage of peaks to the southwest are the finest. There is one that appears from afar most luxuriant and deepest in verdure—that is Lang-ya. After you have walked six or seven tricents into the mountains, there you will gradually notice the sound of water gurgling. Where it drains out between the two peaks, this is Brewer’s Spring. Rounding the peak the road winds; there a pavilion hangs, like a wing, out over the spring. This is the Intoxicated Old Man’s pavilion. Who was it that built this pavilion? A monk of these moun­tains, Chih-hsien. And who named it? The prefect, who called it after himself. When prefect and guests come to drink here, because he becomes intoxicated after only drinking a little and because he is the oldest in years, that is why he nicknamed himself the Intoxicated Old Man. But what he means by Intoxi­cated Old Man has nothing to do with the wine; it has to do instead with being in the mountains by the water. This joy from the mountains and the water he feels within his mind; he merely ascribes it to the wine.

Now the sun rises and the forest mists dissipate, the clouds return and the caves in ravines grow gloomy—these alternations of dusk and light mark mornings and evenings amid the mountains. Wild flowers bloom with their hidden scents, beautiful trees leaf out with deepening shade, then winds rise and pure frost appears, the water level drops and the rocks protrude—such are the four seasons amid the mountains. In the morning he goes there, in the evening he returns; the scenery of the four seasons is never the same, hence his joy knows no bounds.

Those who carry loads on their backs sing along the path; sojourners rest beneath the trees. The ones in front call out and those behind respond. Some are bent over with age and others so young that they must be led by the hand. They come and go without cease—such are the travelers around Ch’u. One may lean over this stream and fish; the stream being deep, the fish are fat. Or one may brew wine with the spring water; the spring being fragrant, the wine is crystal clear. Sliced meats from the mountains and wild vegetables arrayed in profusion before the guests—such are the prefect’s banquets. The joys of the feast are not from strings or winds; they are from winning at pitch-pot, from victory in chess. Passing goblets and mugs back and forth, shouting with abandon, now sitting,, now on their feet—such is the happy abandon of the guests. And the one who, ruddy-faced and white of hair, lies sprawled in their midst—that is the prefect intoxicated.

When the merriment is over and the evening sun sets among the mountains, the prefect goes home with his guests in tow, their shadows jumbled together. The forest gloom deepens; birds call high and low. The revelers all gone, the birds are joyful. Yet, though birds may know the joy of mountain forests, they know not the joy of mankind; men may know the joy of revels with the prefect and yet never know the prefect’s enjoyment of their joy.

Intoxicated yet able to share their joy, able when sober to describe it in writing—such is the prefect. And what is this prefect’s name? Ou-yang Hsiu of Lu-ling.               Translated by Robert E. Hegel

醉翁亭记

环滁皆山也。其西南诸峰，林壑尤美。望之蔚然而深秀者，琅琊也。山行六七里， 渐闻水声潺潺，而泄出于两峰之间者，酿泉也。峰回路转，有亭翼然临于泉上者， 醉翁亭也。作亭者谁？山之僧智仙也。名之者谁？太守自谓也。太守与客来饮于 此，饮少辄醉，而年又最高，故自号曰“醉翁”也。醉翁之意不在酒，在乎山水之间 也。山水之乐，得之心而寓之酒也。若夫日出而林霏开，云归而岩穴暝，晦明变化 者，山间之朝暮也。野芳发而幽香，佳木秀而繁阴，风霜高洁，水落而石出者，山 间之四时也。朝而往，暮而归，四时之景不同，而乐亦无穷也。至于负者歌于塗， 行者休于树，前者呼，后者应，伛偻提携，往来而不绝者，滁人游也。临溪而渔， 溪深而鱼肥；酿泉为酒，泉香而酒冽；山肴野蔌，杂然而前陈者，太守宴也。宴酣 之乐，非丝非竹，射者中，弈者胜，觥筹交错，坐起而喧哗者，众宾欢也。苍然白 发，颓乎其中者，太守醉也。已而夕阳在山，人影散乱，太守归而宾客从也。树林 阴翳，鸣声上下，游人去而禽鸟乐也。然而禽鸟知山林之乐，而不知人之乐；人知 从太守游而乐，而不知太守之乐其乐也。醉能同其乐，醒能述其文者，太守也。太 守谓谁？庐陵欧阳修也

For more discussion see

• The Old Drunkard Who Finds Joy in His Own Joy -Elitist Ideas in Ouyang Xiu’s Informal Writings
• Xianda Lian
• Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (CLEAR), Vol. 23, (Dec., 2001), pp. 1-29

Another in our long series of teaching aids

from Maxim Pinkovskiy and Xavier Sala-i-Martin via Brad DeLong

As I am half-heartedly getting ready for the Spring I am putting together some readings for my students. What survey would be complete without a chunk from the Secret History of the Mongols? So if you are looking to take a break from your preparations for Taiwan’s Constitution Day this is a good way to take a break.  I would like to claim that I have carefully studied the whole text and picked out the best bit to give you a picture of Mongol society, but that’s not really true. It is a good read though, if a little long for use in class.

from Chapter Four

After getting Ong Qan to come, Cinggis Qa’an and Ong Qan decided to move jointly against Jamuqa. They set out downstream along the Keluren River. Cinggis Qa’an sent Altan, Qucar and Daritai as vanguard; Ong Qan for his part sent as vanguards Senggum, Jaqa Gambu and Bilge Beki. Patrols were also dispatched ahead of these vanguards: at Enegen Guileni they set up an observation post; beyond that, at Mount Cekcer, they set up another observation post; and beyond that, at Mount Ciqurqu, they set up a further observation post. Altan, Qucar, Senggum and the others of our vanguard arrived at Utkiya. While they were deciding whether to camp there, a man from the observation post which had been set up at Ciqurqu came riding in haste and brought the news that the enemy was approaching. When this news came, without setting up camp they went towards the enemy in order to gain information. They met and gained the information: when they asked the enemy patrol who they were, it turned out to be Jamuqa’s vanguard consisting of A’ucu Ba’atur of the Mongols, Buyiruq Qan of the Naiman, Qutu, the son of Toqto’a Beki of the Merkit, and Quduqa Beki of the Oyirat. These four had been going towards us as Jamuqa’s vanguard.
Our vanguard shouted at them, and they shouted back, but it was already getting late. Saying, ‘Tomorrow we’ll fight!’, our men withdrew and spent the night together with the main body of the army.
Next day the troops were sent forward and when they met, at Koyiten, they battled. As they pressed on each other downhill and uphill, and reformed their ranks, those very same Buyiruq Qan and Quduqa, knowing how to produce a rainstorm by magic, started to conjure it up, but the magic storm rolled back and it was right upon themselves that it fell. Unable to proceed, they tumbled into ravines. Saying to each other, ‘We are not loved by Heaven!’, they scattered.
Buyiruq Qan of the Naiman separated from the rest and went towards Uluq Taq on the southern side of the Altai Mountains. Qutu, the son of Toqto’a of the Merkit, went towards the Selengge River. Quduqa Beki of the Oyir went towards the Sisgis River, making for the forest. A’ucu Ba’atur of the Tayici’ut went towards the Onan River.
Jamuqa plundered the very people who had elected him qan; then he moved homewards following the course of the Ergune. As they were dispersing in this way, Ong Qan pursued Jamuqa downstream along the Ergune while Cinggis Qa’an pursued A’ucu Ba’atur of the Tayici’ut in the direction of the Onan.
As soon as A’ucu Ba’atur reached his own people, he had them moved along with him in haste. The Tayici’ut A’ucu Ba’atur and Qodun Orceng arrayed their troops at Ulengut Turas on the other side of the Onan, and stood in battle order ready to fight.
Cinggis Qa’an came up and fought with the Tayici’ut. They battled to and fro incessantly until evening came; then, in the same place where they had been fighting, they passed the night right next to each other. When people [the refugees] arrived, fleeing in disarray, they set up a circular camp and also passed the night in the same spot, alongside their troops.  In that battle Cinggis Qa’an was wounded in a vein of the neck. He could not stop the bleeding and was in a great plight. He waited till sundown, then he pitched camp just there where the two armies had encamped right next to each other.
Jelme sucked and sucked the blood which clogged Cinggis Qa ‘an’s wound and his mouth was all smeared with blood. Still, Jelme, not trusting other people, stayed there and looked after him. Until the middle of the night he swallowed down or spat out mouthfulls of the clogging blood.
When midnight had passed Cinggis Qa’an revived and said, ‘The blood has dried up completely; I am thirsty.’ Then Jelme took off his hat, boots and clothes – everything – and stark naked but for his pants, he ran into the midst of the enemy who had settled right next to them. He jumped  on to a cart of the people who had set up a circular camp over there. He searched for kumis, but was unable to find any because those people had fled in disarray and had turned the mares loose without milking them.
As he could not find kumis, he took from one of their carts a large covered bucket of curds and carried it back In the time between his going and coming back he was not seen by anyone. Heaven indeed protected him!
Having brought the covered bucket of curds, the same Jelme, all by himself, searched for water, brought it back and having mixed it with the curds got the Qa’an to drink it.
Three times, resting in between, the Qa’an drank, then he spoke: ‘The eyes within me have cleared up.’ He spoke and sat up: it was daybreak and growing light. He looked and saw that, all about the place where he was sitting, the wound-clogging blood that Jelme had kept on sucking and had spat about had formed small puddles. When he saw it, Cinggis Qa’an said, ‘What is this? Couldn’t you have spat farther away?’ Jelme then said, ‘When you were in a great plight, had I gone farther away I would have feared being separated from you. As I was in haste, I swallowed what I could swallow and spat out what I could spit out; I was in a plight myself and quite a lot went also into my stomach!’
Cinggis Qa’an again spoke: ‘When I was in this state, lying down, why did you run naked into their camp? Had you been caught, wouldn’t you have revealed that I was like this?’ Jelme said, ‘My thought, as I went naked, was that if somehow I got caught, I would have said, “I wanted to submit to you, but they found out and, seizing me, decided to kill me. They removed my clothes – everything – only my pants had not yet been removed when I suddenly managed to escape and have just come in haste to join you. They would have regarded me as sincere, they would have given me clothes and looked after me. Then, I would have jumped on a horse and while they were astonished watching me flee, in that brief moment I would have surely got back! So thinking, and because I wished to get back in time to satisfy the Qa’an’s craving for drink caused by his parching thirst, thinking this and without so much as blinking an eye I went there.’
Cinggis Qa’an said, ‘What can I say now? In former days, when the Three Merkit came and thrice circled Mount Burqan, you saved my life for the first time. Now, once more, you restored me to life when, with your mouth, you sucked the clotting blood from my wound. And, yet again, when I was in a great plight with a parching thirst, disregarding your life, you went amidst the enemy without so much as blinking an eye; you quenched my thirst and restored life to me. These three services of yours will stay  in my heart!’ Thus the Qa’an spoke.

When it had grown light, it turned out that the enemy troops who were bivouacking right next to us had dispersed during the night; only the people who had set up the circular camp had not moved from the place where they had encamped because they would not have been able to get
away.
Cinggis Qa’an moved from the place where he had spent the night in order to bring back [i.e recapture] the people who had fled. As he was bringing back the fugitives, Cinggis Qa’an himself heard a woman in a red coat who, standing on top of a ridge, was wailing loudly, crying ‘Temujin!’ He sent a man to enquire whose wife was the woman who was crying like that. The man went and, having asked her, that woman said, ‘I am the daughter of Sorqan Sira and my name is Qada’an. The soldiers here captured my husband and going to kill him. As my husband was being killed I cried and wailed and called on Temujin to save my husband ‘ So
she said, and the man returned and reported these words to Cinggis Qa’an.
Hearing these words, Cinggis Qa’an rode at a trot and reached her; he dismounted near Qada’an and they embraced each other, but her husband had already been killed by our soldiers. .
After Cinggis Qa’an had brought back those people he camped on the spot for the night with his great army. He invited Qada’an to come to him and had her sit by his side.
The following day, Sorqan Sira and Jebe, who had been retainers of Todoge of the Tayici’ut, also arrived – the two of them. Cinggis Qa’an said to Sorqan Sira, ‘It was indeed a good service of you, father and sons,

Why, then, did you delay coming to me?
Sorqan Sira said, ‘At heart I felt full confidence in you, but how could I make haste? Had I hurried and come to you earlier, my Tayici’ut masters would have blown to the winds, like hearth-ashes,  my wife and children, and the cattle and provisions I had left behind. Because of this I did not hurry, but now that the Tayici’ut have been defeated we came in haste to join our Qa’an.’ When he had finished speaking, Cinggis Qa’an said, ‘You did right!’
Again Cinggis Qa’an spoke, saying ‘When we fought at Koyiten and, pressing on each other, were reforming our ranks, from the top of those ridges an arrow came. Who, from the top of the mountain, shot an arrow so as to sever the neckbone of my tawny war horse with the white mouth?’ To these words Jebe said, ‘I shot the arrow from the top of the mountain. If now I am put to death by the Qa’an, I shall be left to rot on a piece of earth the size of the palm of a hand, but if I be favoured,

Cinggis Qa’an said, ‘A man who used to be an enemy, when it comes to his former killings and hostile actions “conceals his person and hides his tongue” – he is afraid. As for this one, however, he does not hide his killings and hostile actions; on the contrary, he makes them known. He is a man to have as a companion. He is named Jirqo’adai, but because he shot an arrow at the neckbone of my tawny war horse with the white mouth, I shall call him Jebe [a type of arrow] and I will use him as my jebe arrow.’ He named him Jebe and said,
‘Keep by my side!’
This is the way in which Jebe came from the Tayici’ut and became a companion of Cinggis Qa ‘an.

CHAPTER FIVE
When, on that occasion, Cinggis Qa’an plundered tih Tayici’ut, he wiped out the men of Tayici’ut lineage, such the Tayici’ut A’ucu Ba’atur, Qoton Orceng and Qudu’udar he blew them to the winds like hearth-ashes, even to the offspring of their offspring. Cinggis Qa’an carried away the people of their tribe, and spent the winter at Quba Qaya.
Old Sirgii’etu of the Niciigut Ba’arin tribe, together with his sons Alaq and Naya’a, seized Tarqutai Kiriltuq chief of the Tayici’ut, who was hiding in the woods, because he was a mortal enemy of Cinggis Qa ‘an. As Tarqutai could not mount a horse, [he was too fat] they made him ride in a cart.
As Old Sirgu’etu and his sons Alaq and Naya’a were proceeding thus, holding down Tarqutai Kiriltuq, the sons and younger brothers of Tarqutai Kiriltuq said, ‘Let us take him away from them ‘ They approached and overtook them. When his sons and younger brothers caught up, Old Sirgii’etu got onto the cart and, sitting astride Tarqutai, who was lying on his back and unable to stand up, drew a knife and said, ‘Your sons and younger brothers have come to take you away. Even if I do not kill you, telling myself that I am laying hands on my lord, they will surely kill me saying that I did lay hands on my lord. And if I do kill you, I shall of course be killed all the same. So, at the very moment I die, I shall die taking you as my death-companion.’
Thus saying he straddled him and was about to cut his throat with his big knife, when Tarqutai Kiriltuq, calling loudly to his younger brothers and sons, said, ‘Sirgii’etu is kiling me. Once he has killed me, what will you achieve by taking away my dead and lifeless body? Draw back at once before he kills me! Temujin will not kill me. When Temujin was still little, because

and because he had been abandoned in a camp without a master,’ I went there to get him and brought him back home
with me:

Temujin will not cause me to die. You, my sons and younger brothers, quickly turn back at once lest Sirgu’etu kills me.’ So he cried out loudly.  Tarqutai’s sons and younger brothers conferred among themselves: ‘We came to save father’s life. Once Sirgu’etu has deprived him of his life, what can we do with his empty, lifeless body? Better to turn back at once before he kills him!’ So saying, back they turned. Alaq and Naya’a, the sons of Old Sirgu’etu who had withdrawn on their arrival,
now returned. Sirgii ‘etu, having waited for them to come back, moved on together with his sons.
As they proceeded on their way, on reaching the Qutuqul Bend’ Naya’a then said, ‘If we arrive holding this Tarqutai captive, Cinggis Qa’an will say of us that we came having laid hands on our rightful lord. Cinggis Qa’an will say of us, “How trustworthy a people are these who come having laid hands on their rightful lord? How can they still be companions to us? They are people who are not worthy of companionship. People who lay hands on their rightful lord must be cut down!” Shall we not be cut down? Better to free Tarqutai and send him away from here, and go to Cinggis Qa’an saying, “We, possessing only our bodies, have come to offer our services to Cinggis Qa’an.” We shall say, “We had seized Tarqutai and were on our way here, but we could not do away with our rightful lord. Saying to ourselves, ‘How can we make him die before our very eyes?’, we freed him and sent him away, and we have come respectfully to offer our services.’”
So he spoke and the father and sons, having approved these words of Naya’a, set Tarqutai Kiriltuq free and sent him away from Quduqul Bend.
When this same Old Sirgu’etu arrived with his sons Alaq and Naya’a, Cinggis Qa’an asked why they had come. Old Sirgii’etu told Cinggis Qa’an, ‘We seized Tarqutai Kiriltuq and were on our way here, but then saying to ourselves, “How can we make our rightful lord die before our very eyes?”, we could not do away with him. We set him free and sent him off, and came to Cinggis Qa’an to offer our services.’
At that, Cinggis Qa’an said, ‘If you had come having laid hands on your lord Tarqutai, you and your offspring would have been cut down as people who had laid hands on their rightful lord. Your thought that you could not do away with your rightful lord is correct.’ So saying, he showed favour to Naya’a.
After that, when Cinggis Qa’an was at Dersiit, Jaqa Gambu of the Kereyit came to join him as a companion. When he arrived, the Merkit were approaching to fight. Cinggis Qa’an, Jaqa Gambu and other chiefs engaged them and drove them back. Then, Jaqa Gambu made the Tumen Tubegen and the Olon Dongqayit, two scattered tribes of the Kereyit, also come and submit to Cinggis Qa’an.
As for Ong Qa’an of the Kereyit, previously – in the time of Yisugei Qa’an – because they were living together very harmoniously, he and Yisugei Qan had declared themselves sworn friends.
The manner in which they had declared themselves sworn friends was as follows:
Because Ong Qan had killed the younger brothers of his father Qurcaqus Buyiruq Qan, he had become a rebel towards his paternal uncle Gur Qan and was forced to sneak away through the Qara’un Gorge to escape from him. With only a hundred men he got out of the gorge and joined Yisugei Qan. Prompted by his coming to him, Yisugei Qan moved his own army into the field and, driving Gur Qan toward Qasin, he took Ong Qan’s people and returned them to him. This is why they became sworn friends.
After that, when Ong Qan’s younger brother Erke Qara was about to be killed by his elder brother Ong Qan, he escaped and submitted to Inanca Qan of the Naiman. Inanca Qan dispatched his troops, but Ong Qan in his wanderings had already passed three cities and had made his way to the gur qan of the Qara Kidat. From there, having rebelled against the gur qan, he passed through the cities of Uyiqut and the Tangqut. He fed himself on the way by milking five goats, muzzling their kids,  and by bleeding his camel.
While in these straits, he came to Lake Guseur . Cinggis Qa’an, on account of Ong Qan and Yisugei Qan having formerly declared themselves sworn friends sent him as envoys Taqai Ba’atur and Sukegei Je’un; then from the source of the Keluren River, Cinggis Qa’an went in person to meet him. Because Ong Qan had arrived starved and exhausted, Cinggis Qa ‘an raised taxes for him, brought him into the camp and took care of him.
That winter, in an orderly way they moved to new pastures and Cinggis Qa’an wintered at Quba Qaya.
Then Ong Qan’s younger brothers and the chiefs said among themselves,

He has destroyed his brothers and has even submitted to the Qara Kidat – and he makes his people suffer. Now, what shall we do with him? To speak of his early days, when he was seven years old the Merkit carried him off; they gave him a kidskin coat with black spots to wear, and in the Bu’ura Steppe by the Selengge River he pounded grain in a Merkit’s mortar. But his father Qurcaqus Buyiruq Qan raided the Merkit and there and then rescued his son. And again, when he was thirteen years old, Ajai Qan of the Tatar carried him off together with his mother. When Ajai Qan made him look after his camels, he took with him a shepherd of Ajai Qan and fled back home. After that, he fled again for fear of the Naiman and went to the gur qan of the Qara Kidat on the Cui River, in the country of the Sarta’ul. Then, in less man a year, he rebelled and left once more. He skirted the country of the Ui’ut and the Tang’ut. Reduced to straits as he went on, he fed himself by milking five goats, muzzling their kids, and by bleeding his camel. He had only a blind yellowish-white horse with a black tail and mane. Being in these straits, he came to his son Temujin, who raised taxes and indeed took care of him. Now, forgetting that he kept himself alive like this thanks to his son Temujin, he goes on harbouring a rotten liver. What shall we do with him?
So they said among themselves, and their words were reported by Altun Asuq to Ong Qan. Altun Asuq said, ‘I too did take part in this scheme, but I could not do away with you, my Qan.’ Then Ong Qan had his younger brothers and chiefs arrested: El Qutur, Quibari, Alin Taisi and the others who had thus conspired. From among his younger brothers, only Jaqa Gambu escaped and submitted to the Naiman.
Ong Qan had them brought in fetters into his tent and said to them, ‘What did we pledge to each other when we passed by the country of the Ui’ut and the Tang’ut? How could I think like you?’ So saying, spitting in their faces, he had them freed from their fetters. After they had been spat on by the Qan himself, the people who were in the tent all rose and spat on them.

After having spent that winter (1201-1202) at Qaya, in the autumn of the Year of the Dog (1202), Cinggis Qa’an engaged these Tatars in battle at Dalan Neniu [Seventy Felt Cloaks] the Ca’a'an Tatar, Aici Tatar, Duta’ut [Tatar] and Aru Tatar. Before fighting, Cinggis Qa’an jointly issued  following decree: ‘If we overcome the enemy, we shall not stop for booty. When the victory is complete, that booty will surely be ours, and we will share it among ourselves if we are forced by the enemy to retreat, let us turn back to th point where we began the attack. Those men who do not turn back to the point where we began the attack shall be cut down!’ So he decreed with them.
They fought at Dalan Nemurges and drove off the Tatars. After they had overcome them, they forced them to rejoin their tribe on the Ulqui Silugeljit River and thoroughly plundered them. There and then they destroyed these important people: the Ca’an Tatar, Aici Tatar, Duta’ut Tatar and Aruqai Tatar.
As for the words of the decree that had been jointly issued, since Altan, Qucar and Daritai – all three – had not complied with them and had stopped for booty, Cinggis Qa ‘an, saying that they had not complied with these words, sent Jebe and Qubilai to take away from them the herds of horses and the goods they had acquired as booty – every­thing they had seized.
Having destroyed and thoroughly plundered the Tatars, Cinggis Qa’an held a great council with his kinsmen m a single tent to decide what to do with the Tatar tribesmen. Together they decided as follows:

The council being concluded, as they emerged from the tent the Tatar Yeke Ceren asked Belgutei what decision they had made. Belgutei said, ‘We have decided to measure you all against the linchpin of a cart and slay you.’
At these words of Belgutei, Yeke Ceren issued a proclamation to his Tatars, and they raised a barricade. As our soldiers tried to surround and attack the Tatars that had barricaded themselves in, they suffered great losses. After much trouble, when they forced the barricaded Tatars into submission and were about to slay them to the last man by measuring them against the linchpin of a cart, the Tatars said among themselves, ‘Let everyone put a knife in his sleeve and let us die each taking an enemy with us as a death-companion! ‘ And again we suffered great losses. In this way the Tatars were finally measured against the
linchpin of a cart and exterminated.
Then Cinggis Qa’an issued this order: ‘Because Belgutei divulged the decision we took together with our kinsmen at the great council, our soldiers suffered great losses. From now on Belgutei shall not join us in great councils; until the council ends, he shall handle those who are outside and, having dealt with them, he shall judge litigations and those guilty of theft and falsehood. When the council is over and after we have drunk the cerem wine, only then shall Belgiitei and Da’ aritai join us” So he ordered.
Then, on that occasion, Cinggis Qa’an took as wife Yisugen Qatun, daughter of the Tatar Yeke Ceren. Being loved by him, Yisugen Qatun said, ‘If it pleases the Qa’an he will take care of me, regarding me as a human being and a person worth keeping.”  But my elder sister, who is called Yisui, is superior to me: she is more suitable for a ruler. Recently, a bridegroom for her was taken into our family as a son-in-law. I wonder now where she has gone in all this confusion.’
On these words Cinggis Qa’an said, ‘If your elder sister is better than you, let us make a search for her! But if your elder sister comes to hand, will you yield your place to her?’ Yisugen Qatun said, ‘If it pleases the Qa’an, as soon as I see my elder sister I shall yield to her.’
On this promise, Cinggis Qa’an issued the order and had a search made. Our soldiers came across her as she was going into a wood together with the bridegroom to whom she had been given. Her husband fled. They then brought back Yisui Qatun.
When Yisugen Qatun saw her elder sister, keeping the promise she had made earlier, she rose and let her sit in the place she had occupied. She herself took a lower seat.
Since she tumed out to be as Yisugen Qatun had said, Cinggis Qa’an was pleased with her; he married Yisui Qatun and placed her in the rank of his principal wives.
After having completely ravaged the Tatars, one day Cinggis Qa’an sat outside drinking in company. He was sitting between both Yisui Qatun and Yisugen Qatun, and was drinking with them, when Yisui Qatun heaved a deep sigh Then Cinggis Qa’an, having thought it over, sum­moned Bo’orcu, Muqali and other chiefs, and said, ‘You make all these people who have been assembled here – and no others – stand in groups of related families, and separate from the rest any man in a group which is not his own.’ So he ordered.
As the people were standing thus in groups of related families, a handsome and alert young man stood apart from all the groups. When they said, ‘To which clan do you belong?’, that man said, ‘I am the bridegroom to whom was given the daughter of the Tatar Yeke Ceren called Yisui. When we were plundered by the enemy, I took fright and fled. I came hither because things seemed to have settled down now and I kept telling myself, “How can I be recog­nized among so many people?’”
When these words were reported to Cinggis Qa’an, he ordered: ‘All the same, he has been living as an outcast, with hostile intentions; what has he come to spy upon now? Those like him we have measured against the linchpin of a cart and exterminated. Why hesitate? Cast him out of my sight!’ He was cut down immediately.
When, in that same Year of the Dog (1202), Cinggis Qa’an rode against the Tatars, Ong Qan rode against the Merkit. Pursuing Toqto’a Beki in the direction of the Barqujin Lowland, Ong Qan killed Togus Beki, the eldest son of Toqto’a, seized Toqto’a's two daughters Qutuqtai and Ca’alun and his wives, and plundered his two sons Qutu and Cila’un together with their people, but of all the booty he gave not one thing to Cinggis Qa’an.
After that, Cinggis Qa’an and Ong Qan rode against Buyiruq Qan of the Gucugut clan of the Naiman. They reached Soqoq Usun by the Uluq Taq where Buyruq Qan was staying at the time.
Unable to engage in combat, Buyiruq Qan went off, crossing the Altai Mountains. They pursued Buyiruq Qan n from Soqoq Usun and, forcing him to cross the Altai they chased him along the Urunggti River downstream at Qun Singgir.
While this was going on, a chief called Yedi Tubluq who was patrolling for Buyiruq Qan, was pursued by our patrol. As he was about to flee up the mountain side his saddle-strap broke and he was captured on the spot. Pursu­ing Buyiruq Qan down along the Urunggu River, they over­took him at Lake Kisil Bas, and there they finished him off.
As Cinggis Qa’an and Ong Qan were returning from that place, the great warrior Kokse’u Sabraq of the Naiman arrayed his troops at the Bayidaraq Confluence and prepared to fight them. Cinggis Qa’an and Ong Qan likewise decided to fight and arrayed their troops; however, when they arrived it was already getting late. They said, ‘We shall fight in the morning!’, and passed the night in battle order. Then Ong Qan had fires lit in the place where he was stationed and that same night moved upstream along the Qara Se’ul River.
Jamuqa then moved on together with Ong Qan and, as they went, Jamuqa said to Ong Qan, ‘My sworn friend Temujin for a long time has been sending envoys to the Naiman, and now he has not come with us.

He must have gone over to the Naiman and has remained behind with the intention of submitting to them.’
At these words of Jamuqa, Gurin Ba’atur of the Ubciq said ‘How can you speak so deceitfully, backbiting and slandering your upright brother?’
Cinggis Qa’an had spent the night at that same place. Early next morning, at daybreak, he wanted to fight, but when he looked across to Ong Qan’s position, he found that he was no longer there. Saying, ‘They certainly treat us like burnt offerings at the sacrifice for the dead,” [Something that is no longer useful and can be discarded] Cinggis Qa’an also moved out from there. He crossed the river at the Eder Altai Confluence and, being on the move, proceeded further,
setting up camp in the Sa’ari Steppe.
Thereafter, Cinggis Qa’an and Qasar, having realised the difficulties of the Naiman, no longer counted them as people to be reckoned with.
Kokse’u Sabraq went in pursuit of Ong Qan. He captured the wife of his son Senggum together with all his people. He captured also half the people and livestock of Ong Qan which were at Telegetu Pass, and returned home.
At the time of that engagement, Qutu and Cila’un, the two sons of Toqto’a of the Merkit who were also there, separated from Ong Qan and, taking their own people with them, moved downstream along the Selengge River to join their father.
After being pillaged by Koksegu Sabraq, Ong Qan sent an envoy to Cinggis Qa’an. Through the envoy he sent this
message: ‘I have been robbed by the Naiman of my people and my wife. I send this envoy to request from you, my son your “four steeds.’” Let them rescue my people for me!’
Cinggis Qa’an then sent Bo’orcu, Muqali, Boroqul and Cila’un Ba’atur, these ‘four steeds’ of his, and arrayed his troops. Before the ‘four steeds’ arrived, Senggum had just joined battle with Kokse’u Sabraq at Hula’an Qut; his horse had been shot in the thigh by an arrow and he himself was about to be captured.
At that moment those ‘four steeds’ arrived and saved him, and they recovered his people and his wife for him -all of them. Ong Qan then said, ‘Formerly his good father had saved my people who had been lost like this; now, once more, his son, by sending his “four steeds”, has rescued my lost people for me. As to my repaying these favours, let only the protection of Heaven and Earth decide how, and in what measure.
Ong Qan said further, ‘My sworn friend Yisugei Ba’atur once rescued my lost people for me; his son Temujin has again rescued for me my people who had gone away. When these two, father and son, gathered the lost people and returned them to me, for whose sake did they take the trouble of gathering and returning them?

]y[y younger brothers lack force of character; there is only Senggum, my one son, but it is as if he did not exist. If I make my son Temujin the elder brother of Senggum, I shall have two sons and my mind will be at rest.’ Having said this, Ong Qan and Cinggis Qa’an met together in the Black Forest by the Tu’ula River and declared themselves father and son. The reason why they declared themselves father and son was because in early days Ong Qan had declared himself a sworn friend of Cinggis Qa’an’s father Yisugei Qan, and by virtue of this fact Cinggis Qa’an said that Ong Qan was like a father to him. Such was the reason why they declared themselves father and son. They made the following promises to each other:

So they declared. Cinggis Qa’an and Ong Qan also pro­mised each other, saying,

And, pledging their word, they lived together in mutual affection.

‘On top of affection let there be more affection Cinggis Qa’an thought; and requesting the younger sister of Sengglim, Ca’ur Beki, for his son Joci he said, ‘I shall give in exchange our daughter Qojin Beki to Senggum’s som Tusaqa.’
When this request was made, Senggum, then, imagining himself to be very important, said, ‘If a kinswoman of our goes to them, she would have to stand by the door and only face towards the back of the tent; but if a kinswoman of theirs comes to us, she would sit in the back of the tent and face towards the door.” So, imagining himself to be very important, he spoke disparagingly of us; he was not pleased with our proposition and would not give Ca’ur Beki.
Because of these words, Cinggis Qa’an in his heart lost affection for Ong Qan and Nilqa Sengglim.
Jamuqa realised that Cinggis Qa ‘an had in this way lost his affection for them. In the spring of the Year of the Pig (1203), Jamuqa, Altan and Qucar, Ebugejin and Noyakin of the Qardakin tribe, To’oril of the Soge’en tribe and Qaci’un Beki, all these, having come to an understanding, set out and went to Nilqa Sengglim at Berke Elet, on the northern side of the JeJe’er Heights.
Slandering Cinggis Qa’an, Jamuqa spoke: ‘My sworn friend Temujin has messengers sent with secret communica­tions to Tayang Qan of the Naiman. His mouth is saying “father” and “son”, but his behaviour is quite otherwise. Are you going to trust him? If you do not take him by surprise and strike at him, what will become of you? If you move against my sworn friend Temujin, I will join you and attack his flank!’
Altan and Qucar said, ‘As for the sons of Mother Ho’elun.foryou,

Ebugejin and Noyakin – the two Qarta’at – said, ‘For
you,

To’oril said, ‘The best plan is to go ahead and capture Temujin’s people. If his people are taken away from him
and he is left without them, what can he do?’
Qaci’un Beki said, ‘Prince Nilqa Sengglim, whatever you decide I shall go with you,

To the farthest limit,
To the bottom of the deep!’

Having been told these words, Nilqa Senggum reported to his father Ong Qan those very words through Sayiqan
Tode’en. When he was told this, Ong Qan said, ‘How can you think such things about my son Temujin? Until now we had him as our support, and if now we harbour such evil intentions towards my son, we shall not be loved by Heaven. Jamuqa has a glib tongue. Is he right in what he says? Is he correct?’ He was displeased and sent back Sayiqan Tode’en.
Senggum sent another message saying, ‘When any man with a mouth and a tongue says these things, how can one not believe him?’ He sent messages twice, three times, but could not convince Ong Qan. Finally, he went to him in person and said, ‘Even now, at a time when you are still so lively and well, Temujin has not the slightest regard for us. Truly, when you, his father the Qan, will have reach the age when men

will he let us govern your people – the people that your father Qurcaqus Buyiruq Qan gathered laboriously in  great number? How will he let anyone govern it?’
At these words, Ong Qan said, ‘How can I do away with my child, my son? Because until now he has been our support, is it right to harbour evil intentions against him^?We shall not be loved by Heaven.’
At these words, his son Nilqa Senggum became angry-he pushed off the tent-door and left. But Ong Qan, con­cerned about losing the affection of his son Senggum, called him back and said to him, ‘Who knows whether we shall be loved by Heaven after all? You say, “How shall we do away with the son?” Just do what you can – it is for you to decide!’

From Igor de Rachewiltz’s translation. Brill 2004